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Could prediction markets do more than predict?

![]() | âNever tell me the odds.â |

Thursday links: Could prediction markets do more than predict?
A Kalshi research report reviewing the recent performance of prediction markets has determined they did a great job. In the midterms, Kalshiâs market-based probabilities were more accurate than either traditional polls or the forecasting models based on polls.
âKalshi matched or exceeded polling averages at every horizon where they existed, and on the 9 am Election Day snapshot recorded the lowest Brier score of all forecasts compared,â the report concluded.
(In related news, I have reviewed my recent job performance and determined I deserve a raise.)
âBrier scoreâ is a statistical method of judging the accuracy of probabilistic forecasts and lower scores are better. Theyâre calculated as the squared difference between the forecasted probability of an event occurring and the eventâs actual outcome.
This penalizes overconfidence. For example, assigning a 90% probability to something that doesnât happen gives you a high Brier score: (0.9 â 0)2 = 0.81. Assigning a 90% probability to something that does happen gives you a very low one (0.9 â 1)2 = 0.01.
Kalshi says its Brier score is the lowest:

A perfect Brier score is 0 (no difference between predictions and outcomes), so 0.014 is very, very good.
On that metric, at least, Kalshiâs markets beat Nate Silverâs models.
Nate Silver thinks Kalshi is giving itself too much credit: âIâm finding myself a little annoyed if prediction markets are trying to take a disproportionate share of the credit as opposed to âthe industryâ broadly.â
He has an idea about how the credit should be apportioned instead:
First: High-quality polls like NYT/Siena and AtlasIntel.
Second: Sophisticated forecasting models like Silverâs FLIPR
Third: Prediction markets like Kalshi
This ordering seems intuitively correct because polls are an input to forecasting models, and forecasting models are an input to prediction markets. But neither polls nor models consider prediction markets.
To put prediction markets first, as Kalshi implicitly does, you have to believe in an unquantifiable wisdom-of-crowds effect that might make markets more than the sum of their parts (polls and models).
Itâs possible! Betting markets were weirdly accurate before polling was invented, for example, so perhaps there is some magic happening here.
But Silver saw no sign of it in the midterms. Instead, he saw prediction markets following his model.
âModels like FLIPR unambiguously had a better pre-election period,â Silver says. âOur model arrived at the right answer faster, leading the markets by days to weeks.â
His evidence is easier to understand than Brier scores:

âPrediction market prices converged toward FLIPR, and not the other way around,â Silver says â referring to both the overall Senate odds (shown above) and individual Senate and gubernatorial races.
Silver does give prediction markets credit for reacting to news so quickly on election night. But in the run-up to the election, they reacted to the polls more sluggishly. âThe prices they wound up with on Tuesday morning, we often had days to weeks sooner,â Silver concludes.
âDays to weeksâ is a lot!
A pre-mortem on prediction marketsâ midterms performance finds that â contra Silver â polls and models were not their primary driver: âStatistical tests showed that the prediction markets were driven primarily by their own internal trading dynamics rather than reacting directly to incoming daily polls or news headlines.â
The dynamics didnât always make sense.
For example, the paper notes that prediction market prices for individual House seats implied a 97%+ chance of a Democrats winning control. But the single contract specifically tracking Democratsâ odds to win the House traded around 90â91%.
(The single-contract may have been anticipating a polling error, the author speculates.)
Nevertheless, prediction markets and polls ultimately ended up in about the same place. The paper calculates, for example, that polls implied a 8.3% margin for Democrats nationwide â almost exactly the 8.4% implied by state-level prediction markets.
Both were pretty far off, though. The actual margin was 13.6%.
People once thought that betting markets could not just predict elections, but decide them.
Writing for the New York Times in 1944, famed political correspondent Arthur Krock reported widespread concern that betting markets might do more than just predict how people will vote. They thought they might decide how people vote.
Those who run campaigns for candidates pay very serious attention to the betting odds, and for two reasons. One is, as noted before, that they have frequently anticipated the outcome. The other is that this fact is well-known, and, politicians believe, attracts to the forecast winner many votes which would otherwise be against him. These votes, they think, are cast by citizens who like to be on the victorious side.
A bandwagon effect!
People thought it might even decide an election.
In Washington, the opinion was heard that if, by this means, or because of a change in information coming to the odds-makers, the betting before election day goes down to 2 to 1 on the President his prospects will be adversely affected; and, if they go to 7 to 5, he will lose.
Down to 2 to 1.
President Roosevelt was a 3 to 1 favorite at the time, which gave him a 75% chance to win re-election. But people worried that a decline to just 2 to 1 could set a dangerous bandwagon effect in motion.
Itâs hard to imagine now. But politicians once took the possibility so seriously that losing candidates used campaign funds to try to kickstart the process.
Because of this attitude of professional politicians toward the betting odds large sums are sometimes raised to bring them down. This is considered one of the most effective uses of money in a campaignâŠbecause of the effect it may have on the psychology of the voters.
Good luck building that into your model, Nate Silver.
â Byron Gilliam

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